[English] -II- Urban Regime Theory and Interactions of Actors

Within the scope of Urban Regime theory, we have examined in the above lines who the actors who influence and shape the politics of the city can be. The actors that influence and shape the city’s politics can be public institutions and organizations, private sector institutions and organizations, non-governmental organizations, religious groups, local groups, powerful families or certain communities.

In this part of our article, we will analyze the relationships between these actors. Before analyzing the relationships between these actors, I think it is useful to check whether the actors are universal or not. Are the actors the same structures in every country of the world? How can we group actors? Is it possible to match actors with certain criteria? As we stated below, the actors that influence and shape the city’s politics can be public institutions and organizations, private sector institutions and organizations, non-governmental organizations, religious groups, local groups, powerful families or certain communities. Moreover, Ms. Ozskay has put a different classification in that context.

In her article examining Los Angeles, Ms. Ozskay divided actors aiming to achieve common interests in policy making into two groups: Baptists and Bootleggers. Baptists, the issues they are concerned with may be called moral or public issues, and they have been described as groups that support policy changes. Bootleggers are groups or individuals with economic interests. They usually stay in the background (Oszkay, 2024).

The author also sees the cooperation of these two groups as possible. Baptist-Bootlegger coalitions play a role in influencing urban politics and political decision-making processes in line with common goals by collaborating with the groups whose approaches are detailed above (Oszkay, 2024).

The research describes various aspects, dynamics, impacts, and outcomes of Baptist-Bootlegger coalitions, while also addressing the impact these coalitions had on the 2018 short-term rental regulations (Oszkay, 2024).

This situation brings to mind the question of whether actors can come together and create a new super-identity, whether they are grouped or not. The “Ahora Madrid” phenomenon can be shown as a very good example in this regard (Medina-García, de la Fuente, & Van den Broeck, 2021).

It can be said that Ahora Madrid is an independent political platform, a superstructure, that came to life in the capital of Spain between 2015 and 2019. This platform operated as a coalition formed by various independent political parties with different ideologies and unique/inspiring non-governmental organizations, associations and foundations. Their aim is to enrich and develop local democracy. The article, which examines the effects of innovative multi-actor collaborations on urban politics on a 5-year scale, also examines what can be limited to actors, which is one of our research questions. In the 5 years examined, the crisis and austerity policies imposed by laws and regulation limited the actors. Because it was not possible to bypass the regulation. This situation revealed that actors can be limited by law in some aspects. However, during this period, Ahora Madrid contributed to increasing social welfare with its initiatives and achieved success that should be examined (Medina-García et al., 2021).

Egoistic approaches, self-interest and sense of self sometimes make it difficult for people and institutions to come together. Since Ahora Madrid is considered a great success, is it possible to repeat it in every region? Can people with different ideas, thoughts, ideologies and interests always come together? Can they govern together even when they come together?

A study conducted on this subject in Russia reveals that the situation does not always yield positive results. In the study conducted in the towns of Kungur, Chusovoy, Shuya, Kineshma and Morshansk in Russia, it was determined that, compared to the urban regimes in America and Europe, egoistic motivations and personal interests are more evident in Russian villages and settlements and can sometimes have negative effects on various issues (Ledyaev & Chirikova, 2019).

This research has built an important milestone in refuting the idea that actors will always come together unconditionally in every geography.

The question of “Is it only ideological or self-interested reasons that alienate actors from each other or prevent the city from developing?” offers a new dimension for us to analyze the relationship between actors.

In the article examining the situations in the cities of Halle-Neustadt and Stendal in East Germany, the subject is discussed with emphasis on the concepts of peripheralization and periphery. Peripheralization is defined as the fact that some groups, societies, communities and areas remain in the background compared to others – in other words – fall into a secondary position and, accordingly, cannot benefit from resources unfairly (Kühn, Bernt, & Colini, 2017). It has been valid for some regions or zones. The concept of peripheralization is very important in our study where we investigate the actors that affect urban politics and what limits these actors.

It reveals that the concept of peripheralization limits actors and cities, and that a city located far from the capital and with limited transportation facilities is less preferable. Due to this disadvantage, investments, social and political opportunities, and private sector actors move away from the city. This situation both limits the development of the city and limits the relations between actors, regardless of public or private sector.

We mention the concept of peripheralization as a component of the coalition formed within the scope of the urban regime theory of “private companies” in the Ahora Madrid case and in evaluating the cases we have mentioned before. So, directly can a professional group, instead of private companies, shape urban politics and its results?

There is a study, which successfully analyzed the urban renewal process in Fargo, North Dakota in the 1950s, in terms of the Fargo Board of Realtors and private banks. It has been comprehensively demonstrated that they can direct urban politics through sales, marketing, crediting and similar effects (Bauroth, 2014).

The Fargo and Ahora Madrid cases happened for a short time or – in other words – temporarily, and it is claimed by various people that even if the different groups in urban politics are purified from their ideologies and self-interest, they cannot form a stable and sustainable coalition when they come together.

In a study conducted in 2007 with 55 organizations operating in various sectors in Montreal, the actors affecting the city politics in Montreal and their thoughts were compiled, including evaluations of the actors. In the middle of the study, a visual representing the complexity of the relations between actors was used, and it was emphasized that the most definitive result regarding whether the coalitions that have been established to date or will be established in the near future can be maintained in a stable manner is uncertainty (Klein & Tremblay, 2010).

Because these coalitions vary from region to region and from actor to actor. It does not seem possible to declare a definitive formula or expect an absolute result.

When examining whether a professional group can directly influence decision-making in the city by going down a more specific path from commercial institutions and organizations, the question “Can city politics make a decision just for a professional group in a way that is specific to that professional group?” will come to mind.

In the article discussing the development process of the Red Town project in Shanghai, reference is made to the Red Town project. Chinese authorities aim for the integration of artists by revising old and industrial spaces for artists (idle factories) and seeking differentiation through cultural revitalization (Wang, 2009). By that way, Chinese authorities have tried to enhance city culture and cultural life by promoting the group of artists. While this article once again reminds us how important culture is in shaping urban politics, as we explained before – in the lines above – it reveals that urban politics can also make decisions for the integration and activism of certain professional groups.

Should all these collaborations be on demand? For example, should artists demand this? Should the institutions that chart/draw the map for urban politics take action ex officio?

In the article, which deals with the local government elements and dynamics in municipalities in 11 countries that can be defined as democratic, from a comparative perspective, the prominent value is the leadership and encompassing qualities that municipal managers should have (Ramírez Pérez, Navarro Yanez, & Clark, 2008).

Within the scope of urban politics, of course, it can be said that actors shaping city politics can come together and cooperate with their own decisions, but elected local government staff should not only carry out routine municipal operations, but local government staff also should be able to bring together useful and effective organizations operating with a dynamic approach within the city.

The question of whether a model for cooperation and interaction can be developed, which we have been trying to explain for some time under this heading, is an eye-opening point within the field we research. The question of whether “a model” for cooperation and interaction can be developed, which we have been trying to explain for some time under this heading, is an eye-opening point within the field we research.

In this valuable study (Thornley, Rydin, Scanlon, & West, 2005) focusing on this issue, the Greater London Authority is examined as a model. Founded in 2000, the Greater London Authority (GLA) is known for creating London’s strategic policies and creating the London Plan. It is known that many institutions cooperate with this umbrella organization. While municipalities deal with daily/routine municipal operations, the Greater London Authority is an organization that makes strategic plans and decisions. The Greater London Authority can be mentioned as a useful model for cities whose social and political structure has similar characteristics to London.

The relationships between actors should be examined in the volume of a symposium or even a book. In the context of SLR, too much detail can distract us from the purpose of our study. In this regard, in terms of the studies we have cited, it is possible to claim that there is a strong relationship between the actors that shape urban politics, that these relationships significantly affect urban politics, and that sometimes real estate agents and sometimes artists significantly affect urban policy.